Sokoto E4: A West African Caliphate

 

Kano, one of the largest cities in the Sokoto Caliphate, pictured in 1860

By the 1810s, Shehu Usman Dan Fodio had succeeded in besting many of his enemies. The kingdoms of Kasar Hausa were conquered, while several other neighboring regions were also integrated into the growing imamate. With the "jihad" complete, now the next steps of Fodio's revolutionary playbook were on the agenda. Together with his allies in the Jamaa, Fodio began the steps of creating a society based on his ideals.

The new state that Fodio and his allies birthed into the world was one with an immensely complex political system. Arguably, the Sokoto governmental system is easier to understand if you think of the state as a series of aligned polities rather than a single unitary government. 

The head of state and (theoretically) of government was the Amir al-Muminin, or Commander of Believers. This position was intended to be chosen via electoral consensus by the Islamic community, and then serve for life. Of course, Usman Dan Fodio retained his title of Commander of Believers and served as the first leader of the new government. Additionally, to provide his state with further legitimacy and to clarify his mission, the Shehu declared that his new state was a caliphate. In an earlier writing, Masail al-Muhimma, Fodio defined a caliphate as any state governed by someone who sought to act as a successor to the Prophet Muhammad. As a result, the declaration of the Sokoto Caliphate did not represent any attempt by Fodio to position himself as the leader of the entire Islamic world, but rather to state that the mission of his government was to rule in the style of the Prophet Muhammad. Fodio himself rarely even referred to himself as caliph, preferring to retain his old title of Commander of Believers.

The Commander of Believers was largely uninvolved from direct statecraft. Rather, the true executives of the Sokoto Caliphate were the two viziers. The vizier of the west was Usman's brother Abdullahi, who ruled over the regions of Kebbi, Zamfara, and other western regions of the caliphate from his capital at Gwandu. Meanwhile, the eastern portions of the caliphate were overseen by Muhammad Bello from his capital at Sokoto. 

Gwandu remains the capital of its own emirate within modern Nigeria. Pictured here is the entrance to the Gwandu emir's palace.

Each vizier was given the power to appoint a qadi, or judge, for each region, and an emir. The emir essentially acted as the "face of government", performing and overseeing all of the typical responsibilities of the state, such as collecting taxes, enforcing laws, and distributing services. Unlike in the pre-jihad era, where most cities were run by heriditary Sarkis, the emir was, at least in theory, appointed based on merit rather than familial connections. Meanwhile, the qadi was meant to not only oversee judicial functions, but also to ensure that the emir's laws were all within the scholarly consensus of shari'ah.

The nascent caliphate initiated several new sets of reforms, including the creation of a new education system, a grain dole to help poor residents afford food, tax cuts on the working classes, and new regulations to ensure fair trading in the market. 

While the Sokoto Revolution may have seemed like an unimpeachably positive development, this was not necessarily true. Even during the life of Usman Dan Fodio, but especially after his death, the state soon began to slip away from its mission of creating a righteous and Quranic society. Perhaps the most visible failure occured in the immediate aftermath of Fodio's passing. While the succession of the position of Commander of Believers was, in theory, an elected one, the Shehu went out of his way to ensure that his son, Muhammad Bello, ruled the kingdom after him. While Fodio argued that Bello was still the most meritocratic option regardless of his descent, the decision set into motion the transformation of the Caliphate into a de facto hereditary monarchy. Almost immediately, Muhammad Bello implemented a series of new policies clearly designed to ward off potential rivals for power. He centralized the military while dramatically increasing its funds, forcing him to raise taxes on the working classes to compensate.

An 1857 illustration depicting a slave raid by a nobleman living in the caliphate

From a moral perspective, the issues of slavery and militarism forces us to reckon with the otherwise quite positive perception of the Caliphate. The successful conquests of the Caliphate in the south, especially in the former Oyo Empire, produced enormous numbers of war captives. The Sokoto Caliphate maintained the old system of slavery present in Kasar Hausa, involving large communities of enslaved workers concentrated in plantation-esque rural townships. Unlike in some other regions of Africa, slavery in the caliphate was often of the chattel variety, while notions of religious endorsement and psuedo-racialized concepts of "animalistic" southern populations justified the system's existence. In many ways, the economic boom of the early caliphate can be attributed to the system of human misery that underpinned it.

A "slave village" in rural Sokoto

If your interest in the Sokoto Revolution was motivated by a desire to find a historical revolution without hypocrisies, then I'm sorry to disappoint you. However, rather than motivating us to lose interest in the past and its denizens, I believe that morally complex figures like Usman Dan Fodio can be useful guideposts in evaluating our own moral standing. When viewing the past, it is tempting and easy to self-righteously decry the evils some by men and women of yesteryear. What is more challenging but far more enlightening is to remember that we will be in the same position someday, and to use our knowledge of history to better ourselves. Our perceptions are shaped by the paradigms of our day. History can help us identify these paradigms, their moral strengths and shortcomings. What are some things we do today that will provoke similar self-righteous condemnation from our descendants? 

Sokoto E3 - From Shehu to Revolutionary

Map of the Sokoto Imamate at its height

In the latest episode of the History of Africa podcast, we cover an abridged summary of Usman and Abdullahi Dan Fodio's war against Gobir, and the gradual expansion of the Sokoto Jihad from a minor local rebellion into a region-wide upheaval.

This episode was a little bit shorter and more summary focused than I prefer. This is because, on my first draft of the series, we ended up spending almost two hours discussing the military history of the Fodio and his allies conquests of his neighbors. While that history is certainly interesting, I wanted to speed through it so that we could more quickly get to the far more interesting elements of the history, including the details of the civic, religious, educational, and economic changes that followed the Sokoto Jihad.

Sokoto E2: Fodio, Student and Teacher

 

This 18th Century West-African manuscript on mathematics is the type of material that Usman Dan Fodio studied during his youth.

In this episode, we learn about the early life and education of the future Mujaddid, Usman Dan Fodio. While the exact location of his birth is unknown, Usman Dan Fodio's family had long roots in Kasar Hausa, with their migration into the area likely dating back at least 300 years. In his first years, Fodio's family moved to the city of Degel, a small town with a mid-sized Islamic University. His father, a wealthy merchant, ensured that Fodio received the best available education by hiring a series of private tutors. These tutors strongly influenced the young Fodio's views. One, a Hausa scholar named Jibril ibn Umar, was a controversial and radical figure in Sahelian Islamic academia. Umar had previously worked in the nearby sultanate of Agadez but had been kicked out of Agadez after the local sultan suspected that he was encouraging Muslims to rebel against their king. Umar was, in some ways, even too radical for his young student, as Fodio disagreed with his teacher's unorthodox views on polygamy, how to view Muslims who struggled with following the faith's rules, and other matters of Islamic law.

Alongside Umar, numerous scholars and teachers played a role in influencing the views of Fodio on matters of Islamic law and theology. Around this time, he was also initiated into the Qadri Sufi order, a major Sufi organization active in multiple regions throughout the Islamic world. By the time he completed his education, Fodio was considered educated enough to begin teaching in his own right. He worked as an iterant scholar, traveling from school to school and into rural villages to spread Islamic education. During this time, Fodio began to develop the beginnings of what would eventually become a major following. This early following was the first step in the formation of the Jamaa, the close followers of Usman Dan Fodio who would eventually serve as his revolutionary vanguard.

At first, Fodio tried hard to brand his teachings as ostensibly apolitical, avoiding criticism of specific kings or nobles and refusing to attend in-person meetings with these elites. At the time, the elites that ruled Degel were subservient to the most powerful Hausa kingdom of its era: the Kingdom of Gobir. Since before the birth of Fodio, Gobir enjoyed a long period of gradual empowerment at the expense of its neighbors. Surrounded by warlike enemies on all sides, the Hausa of Gobir had been forced to develop their own martial culture. 

An example of lifida - the quilted armor worn by mounted noble cavalry in the eastern Sahel

The kings of Gobir used this army to become a center of local power in their own right. Throughout the mid to late 18th century, Gobir's armies overwhelmed several of their neighbors, including the equally martial kingdoms of Zamfara and Kebbi. Gobir armies also raided south and east, extracting tribute from the kingdom of Bornu, as well as fellow Hausa cities like Kano, Katsina, Zazzau, and more.

Map of Kasar Hausa (purple) and its surrounding kingdoms (blue)

Sokoto E1: The Seven Cities and the Seven Bastards

Welcome to the History of Africa Podcast's special series on the Sokoto Jihad, one of the most important events in West African history. Join us as we learn about the causes, course, and effects of the largest revolution in the history of Pre-Colonial Africa.

Our episode today gives an abridged summary of the history of our setting: Kasar Hausa. Located in modern day Northern Nigeria, as well as parts of Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, Kasar Hausa is the traditional homeland of the Hausa people.

The origins of the Hausa people are steeped in a complex web of mythology and history. Traditional Hausa historians and laypeople often credit the Epic of Bayajidda as telling the origin of the Hausa people. According to the epic legend, the ancestors of the Hausa had recently settled in the territory of Daura, and were terrorized by the great serpent Sarki, who refused to let them drink from the well without his permission. An exiled Arab prince named Abu Yazid rode into town one day, slew the beast, and married the queen. The queen at first refused to sleep with Abu Yazid, and instead gave him a slave girl to fulfill his sexual needs. However, Yazid's concubine made it clear that she sought for her son to become  the next king of Daura, the queen understood that her position was in danger, and decided to sleep with Yazid. Yazid's son with the queen would become the ancestor of all future Hausa monarchs, while the concubine's son became the ancestor of the Yoruba, Nupe, Gbari, Gungawa, and Ijaw nations, as well as the future Hausa kings of Kebbi and Zamfara. 

A modern illustration of Abu Yazid (Bayajidda) slaying Sarki

Nigerian and Western historians alike generally don't take the legend seriously as a source of history. At most, some will make a tenuous connection between the figure of Abu Yazid, and a north African Amazigh cleric who led a rebellion against the Fatimids in roughly the same time period. But even this connection is dubious. Rather, most academic historians believe the Hausa are descended from the Proto-Chadic people, the basal ancestor of the Chadic-speaking peoples of West Africa. Hausa culture also shows notable influence from two of its neighbors: the Kanuri people of modern Chad and the Amazigh people from much of northern and western Africa.

Daura, where the Epic of Bayajidda takes place

The Islamic faith was likely introduced into Kasar Hausa through a gradual process of cultural and mercantile exchange with North Africa and the Western Sahel. By the 14th Century, many of the Sarki of Hausa cities were at least nominally Muslim. Some, like the Sarki of Kano Yaji, proved to be incredibly dedicated to their faith, building mosques and fighting conflicts with local pagan nobility. Islam in Kasar Hausa, though, varied greatly in its practice. Many members of the Ulema, the Islamic religious class, practiced their faith along the orthodox guidelines laid out in the Qur'an and guided by scholarly writers of the Maliki school of jurisprudence. However, among commoners and nobles alike, Islamic practice was often quite nominal and syncretized, especially in the countryside.

Incomplete map of Kasar Hausa in the 16th Century

The economic system of Kasar Hausa relied on a complex system of hierarchical taxation. The kings of major cities typically held major sway over nearby towns and villages, extracting tribute and tax money from local nobles. Meanwhile, wealthy private landholders sometimes collected revenue through the institution of the rinji, or slave village. The landowner hired an overseer to ensure that the residents of the rinji dedicated a portion of their labor towards subsistence farming to support their own caloric needs, and dedicate surplus labor to harvesting crops for commercial sale. The industry was highly lucrative, though not for the people doing the actual work.

Between the urban settlements of Kasar Hausa, the largely pastoral Fulbe people migrated their herds between grazing lands. The Fulbe, also known as the Fulani or Peul, migrated throughout many areas of Sahelian West Africa when their homeland in northern Senegal and southern Mauretania/Algeria became too dry to support their cattle and goat herds. Today, Fulbe live as a dispersed minority group throughout the entirety of the Sahel, from the Gambia and Senegal, to Nigeria, even as far as Sudan.

A Fulbe man wearing traditional attire

Like pastoral nomads throughout the world, Fulbe nomads played an important role in the economy of Kasar Hausa. Due to their frequent movements, Fulbe rarely set up permanent homes, typically relying instead on temporary shelters called Bukkaru. While moving between pastures, Fulbe often carried trade goods that they happened to pick up along the way. For many Fulbe, the potential profits in trading proved so valuable that some abandoned herding altogether in favor of working as full-time merchants. Additionally, the Fulbe had a relatively high penetration of Islamic practice compared to their neighbors. As a result, many local Islamic universities found great success recruiting among Fulbe populations. 

A trio of Bukkaru, the temporary shelters designed to be easy for herdsmen to disassemble and rebuild while on the move.

With the abridged introduction to life in pre-revolutionary Kasar Hausa complete, next episode we will begin our examination of the life of the central figure of the jihad: Shehu Usman Dan Fodio. 

S3E30: The War of the Golden Stool

 Part 1:

Fort Kumasi in 1900

In the spring of 1900, the majority of Ashanti nobility and bureaucrats drank to the spirits, an Ashanti social event that symbolized an unbreakable vow. Together, they vowed that they would sooner die than allow the British to seize the Golden Stool and humiliate their nation. On April 3rd, the British arrested the suspected ringleaders of the meeting, including Opoku Mensa, which set the war into motion the next day. The Ashanti notables each raised militias, an unorganized but united front against the British. The largest militia was commanded by the former army officer Kwasi Boadu, while the closest person that the Ashanti had to a universally recognized leader was Ejisuhemaa Yaa Asantewaa. The war started when Ashanti militias began to attack the occupying British armies, forcing the unprepared British to fall back to either Cape Coast or Fort Kumasi. Fort Kumasi and its surrounding neighborhoods were soon the last part of Asanteman under British control. The governor, who himself was now trapped in Fort Kumasi, sent out a telegram at the very last minute before the Ashanti cut the fort's cable. 

The Ashanti set to work constructing large stockades throughout the country. These stockades were usually between 8 to 12 feet (2.4-3.6 meters) high, with the largest defenses stretching in a zig-zag pattern for several kilometers. The most impressive things about these stockades were their battlefield effectiveness and the speed of their construction. Despite stretching for such long distances, the stockades were built using a quick engineering method of lashing logs together with rope and telegraph wire, using bamboo to construct areas for marksmen to stand inside, and then filling the rest with straw and leaves. This internal structure gave the stockades unusual flexibility that made them extra resistant to artillery and mortar barrages.

Image showing the edge of an Ashanti stockade during the war, showcasing its internal structure.

    Early in the war, the Ashanti clearly held a surprising advantage. The British colonial government did not receive the reinforcements they expected due to the British military being occupied with wars in South Africa and China. Meanwhile, early fighting revealed that the typical British tactic of the period, an artillery and machine gun barrage followed by an infantry charge, was ineffective against Ashanti stockades. The successful infiltration of Kumasi by an isolated British force in northern Ghana had allowed the trapped garrison in Fort Kumasi some breathing room in terms of supplies. But after a failed breakout attempt that resulted in the death of many British soldiers and officers, Governor Hodgeson was forced to resign to peace talks.

    However, the Ashanti leadership made at least one enormous mistake during negotiations: they allowed the British to receive food and supplies from local merchants during the ceasefire. This essentially conceded any leverage that the Ashanti had while allowing the British to extend their holdout in the fort. In May, the Ashanti resumed fighting when Asantewaa and Boadu suspected that Hodgeson was simply stalling.

Part 2

The British officers, Nigerian soldiers, and Ashanti collaborators trapped within Fort Kumasi were in increasingly desperate shape in the summer of 1900. With food supplies running low, they were often forced into eating leather clothing, rats, grass, and old bones. To keep order, some of the officers even resorted to giving people hot water, which they called "soup" to make people think it was food. 

To alleviate the siege, the recently arrived British colonel James Willcocks attempted a major offensive at the city of Kokofu, the site of one of the largest and best-engineered stockades. After an unsuccessful artillery and machine gun barrage, the Nigerian soldiers were ordered to fling themselves at the undamaged stockade. The result of the battle was an enormous British defeat. The neutral king of Adansi, fearing that his neutrality would not bear well with the imminently victorious Ashanti, decided to join their fight against the British. His forces joined the militia of Opoku Mensa. Meanwhile, the king of Bekwai, a collaborationist omanhene who had allied with the British, decided to end support for the British in favor of neutrality.  

The Bekwaihene meeting with British soldiers before the battle of Kokofu

The turning point of the war, however, came after Governor Hodgeson orchestrated a desperate and shocking escape attempt from Fort Kumasi. Choosing an indirect route that veered northwest before turning south, the governor and a large entourage of fellow escapees managed to narrowly avoid the pursuing Ashanti (though several dozen carriers and soldiers likely died in the chase)

Hodgeson pictured at the end of the war

With the pressure to lift the siege no longer a factor, the British armies in southern Ghana could now more thoroughly plan their attacks. Willcocks and Meliss, no longer constrained by time, planned out more intricate tactics to overcome Ashanti stockades. These included deceptive maneuvers to make the Ashanti think that they were making camp right before an attack, as well as maneuvers that sent units around the stockades to attack weaker stockades at the rear.

The Ashanti militias, which were not centralized or coordinated enough to mount a successful counterattack, were gradually divided and picked off. A few leaders, including Yaa Asantewaa managed to keep up the fight into the autumn and early winter, but even they eventually fell. Most of the ringleaders were exiled to Sierra Leone, while a few like Asantewaa were exiled to Seychelles.

Yaa Asantewaa's cell in Seychelles

While the War of the Golden Stool ended in a military victory for Britain, the Ashanti had not fought in vain. The war had convinced the British government that it had to use more tact when dealing with traditional African monarchies in the future, especially the Ashanti. As a result, the British would develop a reputation of allowing the continuation of a surprisingly high number of local African monarchies compared to their fellow European colonizers. Asanteman remained especially autonomous. In 1920, when a British work crew stumbled upon the location of the Golden Stool, threats from the Asantemanhyiamu (then reorganized as the "Kumasi Council of Chiefs") were enough to convince the British government to end the project. Although they lived under colonial rule, it's readily obvious that the Ashanti were never willing to accept being a powerless people. After decades of lobbying, Asantehene Prempeh was allowed to return to Kumasi a few years later and was even built a new palace by the British. By now, the British had realized that colonialism in Ghana would be more effective if they collaborated with local pre-colonial elites, rather than trying to crush their social authority. While Prempeh ruled under the diminished title of "Kumasihene", his nephew, Prempeh II, convinced the British to let him restore an informal Ashanti state. Asanteman remained a British colony, but Prempeh II oversaw the preservation of many traditions and reinvigorated many of the old governing institutions. The current Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, continues to live and work in Kumasi. 

Asantehene Otomfuo Osei Tutu II.

Even though the state no longer exists, the legacy of the Ashanti Empire can still be felt throughout modern Ghana. Ghana, despite some bumps in the road, has generally maintained a path of peaceful, constitutional government, ranking far higher in terms of governmental stability and political democracy than other West African states. This success can in part be attributed to the legacy of the Ashanti state, itself a constitutional state governed by the rule of law and independent institutions. Even in a direct sense, the current asantehene has played a role in preventing and mitigating conflict within his home country. In 2002, the asantehene played a pivotal role in negotiations to end a brewing conflict in Dagbon.

Even when the empire is gone, the great tree still shades his people from the harsh sun.

Thank you for listening, and thank you for enjoying this podcast throughout its third season. We now move on to a special episode about the Sokoto Jihad, before moving to our next long-term area of study, Madagascar.

S3E29: Yaa Asantewaa

Outside of Ghana, Yaa Asantewaa is the most famous Ashanti historical figure by a wide margin. The queen-mother of Ejisu is widely cited as the pre-eminent symbol of Afro-feminism, a black African woman who advocated for the position of women and led Ashanti society in its last major resistance against British colonialism.

These depictions, while not necessarily incorrect, miss out on much of the context behind the rise of Yaa Asantewaa. They also often misunderstand the purpose of the rebellion she led, her role within that rebellion, and the context behind its beginning. So, who was Yaa Asantewaa? Why did she become such a dominant figure in Ashanti history? And how did the war of the Gold Stool begin?

Ashanti Goldfields Corporation mining facility in Obuasi - Taken 1910. From the Mary Evans picture library

After the British invasion of Asanteman in 1896, the Ashanti region was in a state of political paralysis. The British, while ostensibly now in control of the country, were initially largely absent. Though Prempeh was gone, the regional omanhenes continued to govern their territories as if nothing had changed at all. That all changed in 1897, when the Ashanti Goldfields Corporation moved in. Suddenly, with the influx of mining activity in Obuasi and the potential promise of expansion north, the British began to invest more heavily in their presence in Asanteman. Ghana saw its first inland railroad built, travelling from Cape Coast to Kumasi. The British increased the standards for road clearness to allow the movement of gold south, while abolishing the old systems of debt peonage and slavery. To replace these labor systems, though, they introduced a new system of conscript labor which resembled slavery in all but name to work on these new infrastructure projects. The British also began sending more soldiers to enforce this new occupation, including a garrison at the new fort build on the rubble of the Aban Dan, Fort Kumasi.

Today, Fort Kumasi is a military museum

Ashanti resistance to the British occupation was slow to develop. In the early years of the occupation, most of the Ashanti nobility were under the impression that the British presence was a short term thing. Surely the British would return the exiled Asantehene back to Asanteman and leave, albeit leaving the Ashanti as a de facto British puppet state. But, this is not what happened. The British governor, Frederick Mitchell Hodgeson, instead made a speech to the assembled asantemanhyiamu that he intended to rule Asanteman directly as a representative of queen Victoria, and that thusly he should be allowed to sit on the Golden Stool. While the demand for the stool would become the more infamous, perhaps more enraging was the governor's promise that Prempeh would never return. This confirmed to the Ashanti nobles present at the Asantemanhyiamu that the British occupation was not a temporary affair, but the first step of permanent conquest.

Ejisuhemaa and later Ejisuhene Yaa Asantewaa* 

Not everyone in the Asantemanhyiamu was sure what to do next. Doves, like Opoku Mensa, held out hope that negotiation with the British could lead to them withdrawing their forces and regranting Ashanti autonomy. The pro-war faction, on the other hand, supported organizing armed resistance against the British. One of the most prominent pro-war voices was Yaa Asantewaa, an important noblewoman from the town of Ejisu.

Yaa Asantewaa first rose to prominence due to her brother's loyal support of Prempeh during the later years of the Ashanti Civil War, adding their family into the inner circle of Prempeh's government. However, this strong relationship to Prempeh also led to her brother getting exiled alongside Prempeh after the British occupation of Kumasi. With her grandson too young to take up the mantle of Ejisuhene, no male relatives capable of taking the position, and a headstrong personality backing her up, Yaa Asantewaa instead became the omanhene of Ejisu, the only documented example of a female omanhene. Her title as omanhene allowed her to attend the asantemanhyiamu of 1900 as a key member, an opportunity she made the most of. During the meeting she persuasively scolded the other omanhenes present, questioning the masculinity of those who refused to support her policy of violent resistance to British occupation. Her rhetoric proved effective, and soon many of the moderate doves (including Opoku Mensa) decided to switch allegiance. Soon, they would organize militias in a war of resistance against the British. We will cover this war, its contentious outcome, and its legacy, in our next episode.

*This image is of dubious status. The image is very widely and popularly shared as Yaa Asantewaa, but is also often disputed as depicting an American art student. The veracity of either claim is very difficult to parse, as, after extensive searching, I was unable to discover the original source of this image. 

S3E28: Prempeh, the last Independent King of the Ashanti

 

Asantehene Prempeh I and some attendants (1900)

In this episode of the History of Africa Podcast, we examine the reign of Asantehene Prempeh I, the last man to rule the Ashanti kingdom as an independent state.

Agyeman Prempeh I was born under the name Kwaku Dua III, and had a difficult road to the Gold Stool. Born during a period of civil war, Kwaku Dua's parents, Owusu Koko and Yaa Akyaa, had previously enjoyed a brief position of privilege due to Prempeh's older brother, Kwaku Dua II, briefly holding the golden stool. However, in the aftermath of Kwaku Dua's short and disastrous reign, the family had to struggle to stay in a position of power. It wasn't until after his father's death at the hands of assassins that Prempeh was forced to step up and take charge as the new face of the Kumasi clique, a loosely associated group of generals, politicians, and businessmen who held power in the capital city. Throughout the first years of his unofficial reign, Prempeh had to endure wars against many of his rivals, including the kings of Bekwai, Kokofu, and Mampong. While not easy, Prempeh's allies eventually overcame his rivals, allowing him to officially become the first man in 4 years to hold the title of the king of a united Asanteman. 

Many of the industries that Prempeh sought to introduce to the Ashanti Empire, like cocoa production, remain staples of Asanteman's economy to this day

Prempeh's plan for invigorating the flailing Ashanti state began with re-empowering the region's economy. He planned for the introduction of three industries that, with some state support, could gradually grow to become self-sufficient private enterprises. These three industries, coffee, cocoa, and rubber, would find dramatically varying degrees of success. Coffee proved to be a dud, with international competition being too intense for the Ashanti to find a niche. Rubber proved more successful. Industry in Europe was rapidly expanding, and rubber was a necessity for many new industrial devices. But it was cocoa that proved the most successful. Cocoa was a product with enormous demand in Europe and very few large scale suppliers. As a result, the product proved incredibly profitable. Cocoa plantations arose with great speed across Asanteman.

Throughout Prempeh's rule, the Ashanti economy expanded considerably but also wracked up a large foreign debt. This debt would provide the British Empire an excuse to expand into Asanteman. British ambitions in Asanteman were motivated primarily by fear of other European powers expanding into the region. In 1884, the Germans created their first colonies in Togoland, while France began expanding its influence in the Ivory Coast. Britain had long sought to expand their own influence into the regions north of Asanteman, namely towards the city of Salaga. Not only did French threaten the British route to Salaga, but they also threatened British access to Ashanti cocoa production. The French already possessed the equally cocoa-rich area of the Ivory Coast, and possession of Asanteman would give French merchants an enormous competitive advantage over British cocoa sellers. At first, the British and French each sought to limit the other's expansion by supporting their enemies. The British, through their ports in Sierra Leone, helped the great Mande general Samori Toure fight his wars against the French by providing his armies with guns and ammunition. On the other hand, the British were afraid to attack Prempeh due to the fear that the French would similarly support the Asantehene to foil their own expansionist ambitions. The British and French eventually agreed to stop funding each other's enemies, and Asanteman was fair game for British expansion. The governor of the Gold Coast marched an army towards Kumasi. Prempeh, seeking to avoid a destructive sacking of the city, capitulated before fighting could begin. 

Prempeh is forced to genuflect before British colonial troops just before his arrest in 1896.

After his capitulation, the British arrested Prempeh and exiled him to the Seychelles, marking the official end of the Ashanti Kingdom. But, the end of the kingdom is not the end of the Ashanti history. Next episode, we will introduce a famous Ashanti noblewoman who will lead a rebellion to preserve Ashanti nationhood: Yaa Asantewaa.