Special Episode: What Does Bantu Truly Mean - Part 2

 

In this episode, we will examine some of the shortcomings of Harry Johnston's original Bantu expansion hypothesis, as well as which of its strengths have allowed it to persist in modern academic study of African history.

Special episode: What does Bantu Truly Mean?

 

Map approximating the extent of Bantu languages. Source: Khan Academy

Bantu is a term which has become one of the most contentious in the study of African history. The name of a language family stretching across much of the southern half of the African continent, the term has been used in many distinct ways. In anthropology, it has often extended beyond mere linguistics into an idea of a larger shared culture and history across southern and central Africa. In apartheid South Africa, "Bantu" was used as a euphemism for "black" in many of the country's most oppressive apartheid laws. Furthermore, debates around the origins of the original Bantu speaking peoples and their purported spread throughout the southern half of the continent are a historiographical point of contention. In this episode, we examine the origins of the idea of Bantu languages, as well as different theories on Bantu origins and how they were so successful in spreading across such a vast geographic area.

Due to the rarity of written sources in the Bantu speaking regions of Africa prior to colonialism, and the fact that almost all of the written sources focus on more "important" things like theology or records, we have little idea of what Bantu speakers thought about the similarities between their languages and those of their neighbors. However, it seems likely that Bantu speakers were aware of the similarity between different Bantu languages, they likely postulated about why and how these similarities had come to be, and theorized as to why certain people they encountered like the Nilotic or Khoisan speaking groups in Africa, or European and Arab foreigners spoke languages which were noticably more distinct.

Sadly, though, due to a lack of pre-colonial sources on the continent on the topic, the history of studying the linguistics of South and Central Africa is a somewhat Eurocentric one. The idea of a unified Bantu linguistics family is first proposed in writing by James Prichard, a British ethnologist. Decades later, Wilhelm Bleik, a German anthropologist would give the family a name, borrowing the term "Aba-ntu" from the Zulu language of South Africa.

Beyond the recognition of the language family, however, a British colonial administration named Harry Johnston would cement the earliest iteration of the modern theory of Bantu Expansion, claiming that all Bantu speaking groups shared a common linguistic ancestor group which migrated and expanded outwards from an original homeland in Cameroon or Nigeria. 

Harry Johnston

Johnston would also provide a key new idea to the studies of Bantu linguistics. Notably, he would argue against the then-widespread idea that Bantu grammatical structures and vocabulary were too complex for "primitive Africans", and that therefore Bantu languages must have originated from an outside "civilizing" race of Babylonians, Egyptians, Sumerians, Greeks, or Hebrews. Rather, Johnston argued that Bantu languages were a firmly African phenomenon, originating in western or central Africa before expanding elsewhere.

Johnston's ideas were as controversial as they were influential. While modern linguistics and archaeological studies have confirmed some of his ideas, they have challenged others. We will examine some of these challenges in our next episode on Bantu linguistics.

S4E29: the Fall of the Twelve Hills

 

Malagasy Defenders Building a Barricade at Antananarivo (1897)

In a betrayal of previous commitments to Madagascar, Britain revoked its recognition of Malagasy sovereignty in a deal with France, in exchange for French recognition of a British protectorate over Zanzibar. Soon after this deal, the French invaded Madagascar, landing troops in Mahajanga and Toamasina.

The famous "Berlin Conference" cartoon we're all familiar with

The Malagasy army, utterly spent from their previous war with France and severely short on ammunition, was forced into conservative tactics, with the Merina soldiers setting up defensive fortifications and retreating at the first sign that the fortification might fall. This tactic succeeded in slowing down the French, and allowing disease to take a toll, but little else. The Malagasy lacked ammunition for any counterattacks, and, by September of 1895, the French had reached the capital of Antananarivo.

Malagasy Christians exhuming graves to use coffin boards to build barricades

French soldiers enter Antananarivo

While Rainilaiarivony initially planned to turn the French siege of his capital into a bloody last stand, he changed his mind after seeing the destructive potential of French artillery against the city, and surrendered. The French entered the city, deposed Rainilaiarivony, and ended centuries of Merina rule over highland Madagascar. 

But by destroying the kingdom, the French would inherit their problems. Alongside rebellions already extant within Madagascar, many Merina and Sakalava immediately launched a rebellion against the French rule, known as the Menalamba revolt. The French would begin to believe that all elements of Merina elite society were secretly involved in supporting the coup, including Ranavalona III herself. The Merina queen was deported to Algeria, where she lived out her final days, never to return to her homeland. Meanwhile, several high ranking officials were accused of supporting the rebellion and executed. The French response to the rebellion was brutal and can arguably be described as genocidal, with tens of thousands of Malagasy being murdered by French soldiers in retaliation for the rebellion.

Ranavalona and her family in exile in Algeria

A pair of high ranking Merina officials are executed by the French by firing squad over alleged support for the Menalamba Revolt

Despite the brutal French response, the call for Malagasy independence never died down, and throughout the 20th century, the Malagasy people continued to demand independence. Today, Madagascar has regained its independence, and its future remains in the hands of the tompon-tany. 

S4E28: The Malagasy Gold Rush

 

Map of gold deposits in 19th century Madagascar by Gwyn Campbell

The French invasion and blockade of Madagascar in 1884, while it hadn't conquered the island nation, wrecked havoc on the Malagasy economy. With his country's economy in shambles, and with foreign investors being unwilling to take the risk of investing in Madagascar, Rainilaiarivony had to implement a desperate policy to excite investors and potentially reverse Madagascar's economic freefall: the opening of the country's long secret gold deposits for business.

S4E27: Independence (Partially) Defended

Ranavalona III was crowned empress of Madagascar in the midst of the first Franco-Hova War

The First-Franco war is a largely forgotten conflict. It represented neither a triumphant victory in the face of colonial conquest, nor a brutal and consequential defeat. This inconclusive nature, along with the heavyhanded censorship of the press by the French military, as well as being overshadowed by the larger scale and more devastating French war against Qing China meant that few people outside of Madagascar itself took much interest in the conflict. Despite this, the war is still worth studying due to its role in facilitating future French colonialism in the island, as well as an example of the strengths and shortfalls of Rainilaiarivony's government.

S4E26: The Malagasy Take Manhattan

 

Ravoninahitriniarivo: The Leader of the Malagasy Diplomatic Expedition

This episode focuses on the rising diplomatic tensions between Madagascar and France in the 1880s, arising over French claims over northern Madagascar, disputes over the inheritance of Jean Laborde, and french desires to colonize the island of Madagascar. 

French Cruiser Forfait, one of the ships which blockaded Toamasina in 1882 

S4E25: Ranavalona II - Madagascar's Christian Queen

 

The Palace of Rainilaiarivony

Following their survival of the failed coup of 1868, Prime Minister Rainilaiarivony and Queen Ranavalona II set about implementing a new reformist agenda. Among these reforms included the creation of the country's first fully independent school, which educated Malagasy army officers on governmental administration. The school enabled the creation of a new bureaucratic class of officers, who replaced the old system of provincial government.

The Royal Chapel at the Rova of Antananarivo

Meanwhile, queen Ranavalona II radically transformed the country's religious system by converting to Christianity and burning the country's sacred sampy. To reduce Christianity's potential to act as a disruptive force, Ranavalona sought to create an independent Christian church under the control of the Malagasy government rather than the influence of foreign clergy.

To relieve his country from the currency crisis of 1879, Rainilaiarivony attempted to import large quantities of Indian rupees

Among these changes, Madagascar experienced a decade of non-stop economic growth and relative social stability. However, a disruptive smallpox epidemic on the east coast of Madagascar caused ripple effects in the Malagasy economy, ultimately leading to a severe currency shortage and economic recession.