From Aksum to Zimbabwe, Casablanca to Cape Town, learn about the fascinating civilizations and stories of Africa on the first dedicated Pre-Colonial African history podcast.
Kwaku Dua's son Kwasi Boakye during his education in the Netherlands
From 1834 until 1867, the Ashanti Empire underwent a remarkable transformation. Still recovering from the disastrous rule of the alcoholic and unpredictable Osei Yaw Akoto, the empire received a new king. The new king, an obscure bureaucrat turned war-hero with only a vague connection to the royal family, would prove to be the opposite of his predecessor in every way. His name was Kwaku Dua, and he would lead the Ashanti longer than any king before him.
Kwaku Dua's reign was mostly filled with trying to patch up Asanteman's numerous problems that had appeared during his predecessor's rule. First, he invited the people of Juaben to return to their city. The people of Juaben had been forced to flee their home after a long-standing feud between Osei Yaw Akoto and the king of Juaben escalated into a minor military conflict. Had it not been for the fortunately timed ascension of Kwaku Dua, the conflict likely would have escalated into a full blown civil war. To end the conflict, Kwaku Dua invited the refugees to return to their home. He also criminally charged and executed many of the old asantehene's associates, including the rapist Kotiako and the troublemaking Ata twins.
Most controversially, he radically transformed the Ashanti economy. To prevent a mounting deflation crisis, Kwaku Dua imported a great number of cowries, the primary currency of the empire. He also instituted debt-relief policies to help the peasantry more easily escape debt slavery. These policies were paid for with an unpopular progressive estate tax, or tax on inheritance. These reforms were successful at righting the Ashanti economy.
He also sought to update and improve Ashanti mining engineering and prospecting. To do this, he struck a deal with the Dutch to allow his son and nephew, Kwasi Boakye and Kwame Opoku, to study engineering in the Netherlands and return to teach others of their methods. This plan would ultimately fail. Kwasi Boakye became attached to life in the Netherlands and refused to return to Asanteman. Meanwhile, Kwame Opoku returned to Ghana, only to realize that he had become so estranged from his own culture that he couldn't even speak to fellow Akans. He suffered an identity crisis and later committed suicide. We will cover their lives in greater detail on the latest premium episode of the show, available at Patreon.com/historyofafrica
However, they also represented a growing authoritarianism among the Asantehene. Throughout his rule, Kwaku Dua often ignored the constitutional limits of the asantehene. He passed legislation without the consent of the national assembly, and gave numerous positions of power to his allies in the military.
His rule was mostly peaceful, with the only major wars being a war against the Dagbon Kingdom to the north, and the Second Anglo-Ashanti War of 1863. Our next episode will focus on the latter conflict, the least famous entry in the saga of the Anglo-Ashanti Wars, but perhaps one of the most impactful wars in Ghana's hsitory.
During this episode, we explored the crisis-filled reign of Osei Yaw Akoto, and how his unstable behavior brought the Ashanti Empire to the verge of civil war. The king, a notorious alcoholic, often acted rashly and outside of acceptable behavior by the standards of Ashanti culture. He drank aktepeshie, a highly potent beverage associated with the empire's lower classes, and spent most of his days partying with his sycophantic followers at the royal resort.
Akpeteshie is so strong that, in addition to serving as a drink, Akan cultures traditionally used the substance as a sanitization agent.
Particularly, Osei Yaw Akoto's long-term feud with Kwaku Boaten, the Juabenhene, caused a great deal of unrest within the empire. This culminated in the New Juaben crisis. Juaben was an important city within the Ashanti Empire, and its king was one of the most powerful noblemen in Asanteman. This crisis was ignited when the asantehene requested for one of his friends, a man named Kotiako, to disguise himself as the Juabenhene and sexually assault Boaten's wives. When the king of Juaben found out about this plot, he began preparing to revolt against Akoto. This revolt failed. Boaten and his followers were forced to flee into the predominantly Akyem regions surrounding Kyebi. The new Ashanti migrants would eventually name this area New Juaben.
The modern amanhene of New Juaben
Tensions with the locals almost escalated into a war, which would inevitably suck in the Ashanti, British, and Danish. Fortunately, however, Osei Akoto died before the situation could deteriorate further. Next episode, we'll see how his successor, the first asantehene in decades to not derive from the line of Konadu's descendants, handles the growing crises within the empire.
After the Battle of Nsamankow, Osei Bonsu passed away in 1824. He left control of the kingdom to his younger brother Osei Yaw, better known by his nickname Osei Yaw Akoto. This nickname pokes fun at the king's skin condition that made his face glow with a reddish hue, as well as his insecure demeanor, as akoto refers to both a tree used for red dye manufacturing and the verb "to beg for approval" in Twi.
Osei Yaw Akoto attempted to finish his brother's war against the British, despite Osei Bonsu's dying wish for his brother to arrange for a peace settlement. At first, the war went well for Osei Akoto, as he led his armies to multiple victories and even captured the British colonial capital at Cape Coast. However, the aggressiveness of Osei Akoto's campaigns southward, as well as his decision to pursue a retreating British army east to Anomabu, frightened one of the Ashanti's allies. The city state of Accra, long an Ashanti ally, feared that the Ashanti would try to conquer their city if they won the war. So, they sided with the British. The British army was also joined by fresh reinforcements from their Caribbean colonies, as well as local militias from the Akwapim, Akyem, Denkyira, Wasa and Fante people.
During the Battle of Katamanso in 1826, the Ashanti initially appeared to be winning. The Ashanti's initial encirclement attempt was stonewalled, but the Ashanti forward guard successfully pushed the British back, pushing them into a vulnerable position. Ammunition began to run low on both sides, and the British started to rely on bayonet charges as the Ashanti began to make use of their akrafena. The turning point of the battle occurred when the British launched a battery of Congreve rockets at the Ashanti. Congreve rockets were a technology that the British first encountered several decades earlier. The Indian kingdom of Mysore invented the rockets to use against the British during the Anglo-Mysorean War. The British adopted the weapon's design and began to use it in their own army. The loud screech of the rockets shattered the remaining morale in the embattled Ashanti forward guard, and the Ashanti soldiers began to flee. Morale dissolved completely when Osei Yaw Akoto himself began retreating from the battlefield, resulting in an Ashanti defeat.
Mysorean soldier using an iron rocket as a flagpole
After the defeat at Katamanso, the Ashanti recovered and maintained an occupation over much of the southwestern coast. However, both the British and Ashanti were hit with deadly smallpox outbreaks, and a peace agreement was signed in 1831. Both the British and Ashanti were forced to make concessions to the other. The Ashanti withdrew their armies north of the Pra and Birim rivers. Meanwhile, the British recognized the Ashanti's independence, pledged to give the Ashanti merchants unimpeded access to the coast during peacetime, and pledged to extradite Ashanti fugitives.
You could argue that the British and Ashanti both emerged from this war as victors. The true losers of the conflict were the British's African allies, the Denkyira, Akyem, Ga, and Fante. In exchange for their sacrifices in the war, these people and kingdoms saw their autonomy eroded and incorporated into either the Ashanti Empire or as a British protectorate. While, in theory, British protectorates remained independent in domestic affairs, the British commanded their foreign policy in entirety and dictated a creeping degree of influence in these countries' economies.
Map of Ghana after the First-Anglo Ashanti War
The First-Anglo Ashanti War also devastated the kingdoms of the Ghanaian coast. These weakened kingdoms became easy pickings for the British's rivals in the region. Eager not to let the British monopolize the region, the Danish negotiated a deal with the Ashanti in which they'd receive territories in the southeast, while the Dutch engaged in a gruesome war of conquest over the Ahanta people of the southwest. The asanthene endorsed this conquest, as it would further ensure easy Ashanti access to their Dutch allies, and even offered to send soldiers to militarily support the Dutch.
Osei Yaw Akoto has had a mixed record in his early reign, but it will get much worse from here. Scarred from his traumatic defeat at Katamanso, the asantehene will fall down a rabbit hole of depression and alcoholism, and will prove himself as one of the worst asantehenes of all time.
Map of the Ashanti Empire, its clients, and its road networks in 1820
Prior to 1821, relations between the British and Ashanti Empires had been complicated. From the empire's birth until 1807, the empires had been peaceful trading partners, engaging in the immoral but profitable trade of enslaved people, as well as gold, kola nuts, finished goods, rum, firearms, and other goods. Tension between the empires first erupted in a brief spat in 1808, during the battle of Anomabu and again in 1811 at the Battle of Winnebah. Both of these conflicts were small theaters of larger conflicts between the Ashanti and their southern neighbor, the Fante confederation, and started due to the generally strong relationship between the Fante and British. However, by the resolution of these conflicts, the Ashanti emerged the victor. The Company of African Merchants signed humiliating treaties of submission in order to maintain trading rights in the region.However, the decline of Anglo-Ashanti relations was closely tied to the failure of the British Company of African Merchants. After Britain abolished their participation in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in 1807, the company struggled to make a profit. Many within the company continued to illegally participate in the trade, eventually leading the frustrated government to nationalize the company. The problem with this was that the Ashanti had signed their treaties not with the British government, but with the now non-existent British Company of African Merchants. One of the most important stipulations of the treaty was that the British recognize Ashanti overlordship over the Fante peoples. The British government, however, did not honor these agreements, and instead disembarked soldiers in coastal Ghana to begin signing protectorate treaties with Fante kings. This came much to the chagrin of Osei Bonsu and the Ashanti. An Ashanti army, seeking to force the holding of a conference before British expansion could continue. The army invaded the town of Abura, captured a local Fante military leader, and demanded that the British reaffirm their old treaty obligations. The British sent no response, and the Fante man was executed. The British governor of Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast, Charles MacCarthy, decided that this execution amounted to a declaration of war, and convened his Fante allies assemble an army to fight the Ashanti. MacCarthy had led wars in Africa before, but only again small kingdoms in Sierra Leone, never an empire of the scale or military modernity of the Ashanti. He vastly underestimated the capability of the Ashanti as a result, and figured that a small group of Fante militiamen and British officers was sufficient to crush the Ashanti at Abura. At first, the British and their allies tried to attack the Ashanti at their base at Abura. However, poor logistics and superior Ashanti mobility allowed the Ashanti army to ambush and crush this invasion column.
Ashanti Talking Drum, used for long-distance communication in both civilian and military contexts
So, MacCarthy devised a new plan. He ordered the creation of a new, much larger army. This army was divided into three columns. One would head west, attempt to provoke an anti-Ashanti uprising against the Wasa people of the Ashanti's western provinces. Another column in the east would try to do the same with the region's Akyem and Akuapem people. Finally, the largest column in the center would march straight towards Kumasi.
Map of Ashanti and British troop movements in the Nsamankow campaign of 1822-1823
The plan ended in disaster. MacCarthy's army was met by a larger Ashanti force almost immediately and forced into an orderly but costly retreat. They tried to meet with the western column for reinforcements. However, simultaneously, another Ashanti army to the west routed a group of Wasa rebels before continuing south towards the British western column. The British and Wasa dug out defensive positions at a village called Nsamankow, and were put under intense pressure. When MacCarthy met his western column, he did not encounter needed reserves, but rather a group of tired and nearly-beaten allies. Soon after, the two Ashanti armies converged and encircled the British. The Ashanti general, Amankwatia, ordered conservative probing attacks against the British, drawing their fire and forcing them to waste ammunition with no hope of resupplying. Once the British began to run out of ammunition, Amankwatia ordered his army to advance. The British were defenseless without ammunition and peppered by the better-supplied Ashanti gunmen. Of the roughly 5,000 British and Fante soldiers at Abura, less than 800 escaped the battle without being killed or captured. Even Charles MacCarthy himself was beheaded after being struck with an Ashanti musketball. His head was infamously hollowed out and kept as a trophy in the Ashanti royal palace.
Modern Illustration of Ashanti Soldiers
However, Osei Bonsu would not live long to enjoy the prestige of his victory. A few months after the battle of Nsamankow, the Ashanti king Osei Bonsu passed away. The responsibility to finish the war with the British fell to his younger brother, Osei Yaw Akoto. As we'll see in two weeks, Osei Yaw's performance would not live up to his brother's example.
A sad reality of the study of history is that comparatively little time and effort is dedicated to documenting the lives of the vast majority of the population of past periods. Typically, great effort is dedicated to understanding the attitudes, preferences, psychology, deeds, and achievements of rulers, nobles, artists, generals, and philosophers. As a result, few testimonies of the historical working classes reach modern eyes. In this episode, we attempt to shed some light on what life was like for the everymen of the Ashanti Empire and get a better sense of the life and routine of working Ashanti men and women.
A compound of shrines outside Kumasi: an example of traditional Ashanti architecture
Ashanti family life did not revolve around the nuclear family (that is, a family composed of two parents and their child. Rather, Ashanti family units were extended, composed of the child's parents, aunties, uncles, grandparents, great aunts, cousins, nephews, nieces, etc. In Ashanti daily life, the family unit was the most important institution, as it was responsible for not only the distribution of resources and wider social standing, but also the education of children. Families typically lived together in housing compounds composing four or more houses connected by a shared courtyard.
Ashanti people outside of a housing compound, taken in the early 20th Century
For an Ashanti subject to advance into a middle-class position, usually some degree of higher education was necessary. Ashanti higher education took the form of an apprenticeship, in which the apprentice would learn from an experienced bureaucrat, craftsman, artist, linguist, military leader, or other skilled work position.
One of the most important elements of Ashanti daily life is also one of the darkest elements of the empire's legacy. Slavery is, unfortunately, an institution that dominates outside perceptions of Ashanti history. In the United States, when people recognize the name of the state, typically its reputation is reduced to "one of the empires that sold slaves to European merchants." Ashanti participation in the Trans-Atlantic Slave trade is well documented, and something that we have covered in passing brief mentions in numerous episodes of the show. However, Ashanti slavery as an institution extended beyond the kingdom's role in the slave trade, also playing a major role in Ashanti domestic life.
"Slave" is an English word and therefore doesn't necessarily illuminate the complexity and nuances of various forms of slavery practiced by the Akan peoples, including the Ashanti. This has led to a great deal of confusion in evaluating the historical role of enslaved people and their treatment in the Ashanti Empire. In a few cases, it has led to exaggerations, as in the cases of European explorers who argued that all Ashanti slaves were executed en-masse upon their owner's death. On the other hand, and more commonly today, it has led to a nasty apologia for the institution in academia and beyond. Anecdotally, I specifically remember a professor during my undergrad studies uttering a phrase, "In West Africa, slaves didn't have it so bad." In my experience, these arguments emerge to dissuade comparisons between race-based, trans-Atlantic slavery and Ashanti slavery. However, the value of comparing the immorality of these institutions comes across to me personally as splitting hairs. Human beings suffered immensely under both systems.
Enslaved people (Domum class) in Kumasi pose with a pair of European missionaries, 1885.
However, trying to understand the life of "slaves" in the Ashanti Empire is difficult for multiple reasons. For starters, there are very few narratives written by enslaved people themselves. Almost all primary sources about Ashanti slavery are told either directly or indirectly from the perspective of slave owners, which obviously frames the institution in a more conciliatory tone. Ashanti society accepted the existence of multiple, very different classes of people who outsiders labeled under the catch-all term "slave." The first of these enslaved classes was the domum. Domum were people who were taken as slaves through war or as tribute. Their treatment resembled chattel slavery, regarded as property that could be used and abused as their owner pleased. For this reason, domum made the majority of enslaved people sold to European slave merchants on the coast. They were also typically assigned the most difficult and dangerous labor in mines and plantations.
Enslaved people bought from a slave merchant, rather than captured through war or acquired through tribute, were called odonko. The ideology which justified the enslavement of odonko argued that odonko were essentially a junior branch of their owner's family, as this would be a socially acceptable reason for odonko to do unpaid labor. Of course, odonko were not originally members of the family, but "adopted" through force. However, due to this familial justification, odonko status was typically not hereditary. Children were integrated into the families of their parent's owners as free people. While they were technically now free, the stigma of being descended from odonko often resulted in discrimination and being regarded as a social inferior. Odonko filled multiple labor positions, including plantation workers, domestic servants, miners, porters, and more.
Akyere is the term reserved for people enslaved as punishment for a serious crime. Typically, akyere slavery was a temporary status, a waiting period before the execution of criminals. Akyere acted as servants to the upper echelon of Ashanti society, especially the asantehene himself. This role of subservience to the asantehene prior to execution served an important symbolic role in Ashanti civic culture, symbolizing the dominant role of the asantehene as a protector of law and justice, and a master over those who would dare disrupt order. A few Akyere who showed considerable remorse or skill were spared from execution, but most were executed either at the end of their akyere sentence or during the death of the asantehene.
The final major form of Ashanti slavery was awowa, or debt peonage. Awowa were technically not enslaved, but more akin to the western concept of indentured servitude. They were free people who incured major debts, and would turn to wealthy Ashanti elites to pay off their debts in exchange for a period of unfree servitude. Awowa filled a major role as a backbone of the Ashanti labor system. As the Ashanti economy became more complex and integrated in the early 19th century, the population of awowa ballooned to form a major part of the Ashanti population. As we'll see in a future episode, future administrations will have to come up with solutions to the problem of an ever-expanding number of awowa.
T.E. Bowdich's illustration of Ashanti leisure, 1819.
Anyways, as we discussed at the end of this episode, the spare time of Ashanti workers was typically spent doing domestic chores, making music, and working on crafts. Perhaps the most unique type of Ashanti art is the use of the talking drum. This particular technology allowed Akan people to replicate the tones of the Akan language through drum beats. Talking drums could be used essentially as megaphones, allowing the drummer to send a loud message over long distances, while also used artistically to recite poetry or oral histories. Here is a demonstration of the instrument in use.
Despite leading the Ashanti to their largest military victory since Osei Tutu after only three years on the golden stool, the remainder asantehene Osei Bonsu's reign was far from peaceful. From 1811 until 1819, the Ashanti would be enter into two other major wars.
Illustration of Kumasi, with the wall of the Aban Dan appearing in the bottom-left corner.
The first of these wars, which lasted from 1811 until 1816, pitted the Ashanti against the Fante Confederacy and a faction of Akyem and Denkyira rebels. The Fante had long been the Ashanti's most powerful rival, but Osei Bonsu had forced them to submit to Fante vassalage after a shocking Ashanti victory at the Battle of Abura in 1806. Despite losing many of their most experienced and capable officers at Abura, the Fante quickly rebuilt their ranks into a respectable army. In 1811, the Fante decided to reassert their independence by attacking Elmina and Accra, both controlled by Ashanti allies. While the Ashanti won the early stages of the war, the Fante Twafohene (military leader) switched to a strategy of asymmetric warfare. This new strategy was very effective and, combined with an outbreak of smallpox in the Ashanti army, severely weakened Ashanti control over Fanteman. However, in 1814, the British changed tactics. Instead of trying to fight the Fante themselves, the Kontihene decided that a better strategy was to cut off their supplier. The British Company of African merchants, despite having agreed to a treaty recognizing Ashanti sovereignty over the southern coast, supplied the Fante with arms and ammunition.
Fort Winneba, the fort that Osei Bonsu's army seized in 1814
In 1814, the Ashanti decided to force the British not to sell weapons to the Fante. They successfully captured the British fortress Winneba using tactics they had practiced at a replica European castle in Kumasi, known as the Aban Dan. The British were defeated and the forts governor executed. After the battle of Winneba, the British agreed to half weapons sales to the Fante. From there, Fante supplies dwindled, and they sued for peace in 1816. The treaty signed between the Fante, British, and Ashanti stipulated full Ashanti access to the coast, exclusive Ashanti weapons trading rights during wartime, and a recognition of Ashanti sovereignty over the coastal peoples. However, the Fante did successfully prove to the Ashanti that they could not be governed easily. The war reinforced that the Fante Confederacy would continue to exist as a separate state, albeit as a subject of the asantehene.
In 1817, tensions arose on the other side of the Ashanti empire. Under the rule of Queen Ama Tamia and her brother Kwadwo Adinkra, the kingdom of Gyaaman had created a replica of the Ashanti golden stool for their own royal family. This stool was a brazen challenge to Ashanti authority, as well as an announcement that the state would no longer pay tribute to their Ashanti neighbors. Enraged, Osei Bonsu mobilized an army to march north and crush Gyaaman. After a hard fought battle on the Tain river, the Ashanti emerged victorious and later crushed the Gyaaman army at Nkoransa. The king and queen were either killed by the Ashanti or committed suicide. Gyaaman was ransacked, with almost half of its population either killed or sold into slavery. With these two victories, Osei Bonsu solidified his position as the most capable Ashanti military monarch since Osei Tutu himself.
The Ashanti Empire at its height in 1818, featuring roads.
In 1806, war between the Ashanti Empire and their neighbors/rivals the Fante confederation broke out. The main issue of contention: the Fante's harboring of several rebellious noblemen who exhumed the graves of an important Ashanti family. This grave insult could not go unpunished, so when it was discovered that the noblemen had fled into the Fante confederation's lands, the Ashanti demanded their extradition. When the man who delivered the message was executed, the asantehene Osei Bonsu and the Kotoko council declared war on the Fante.
A wing of the Ashanti Royal Palace, illustrated by T.E. Bowdich
The two armies met at Abura, where the Ashanti scored an incredibly crushing victory that eliminated nearly the entirety of the Fante's professional soldiers. The few survivors, as well as many civilian refugees, retreated further south to escape the Ashanti. As the Ashanti pressed on deeper into Fante territory, and the situation became more grim for the Fante, many retreated to hide in the forts owned by the British, Dutch, and Danish trading companies on the coast. One of the rebellious noblemen who provoked the war, along with a crowd of several thousand Fante refugees, fled to the British Fort William at the Fante town of Anomabu. As the pursuing Ashanti army, commanded by Osei Bonsu himself, approached, the British allowed 2,000 of the Fante including the rebellious noble into Fort William. Several thousand more were left outside to fend for themselves.
A view of Fort William from the ground
The Fante inside the fort, terrified that the British would sell them out for their own safety, barred the British in the fort from sending any sort of communication outside as the Ashanti army approached Fort William. The Ashanti army outside, unaware of the reason for the lack of communication, began to massacre the Fante outside of the fort's gates to provoke a response. Still receiving no response, the Ashanti began to try to capture the fort. The Ashanti army, as a mobile force designed to encircle their enemies in open battle, had little experience in siege warfare. Inexperienced in siege warfare, the Ashanti incurred heavy casualties and made little progress in overcoming the fort's walls. However, after six hours of fighting, the British began to run low on gunpowder and supplies, and surrendered.
In the wake of the battle, Osei Bonsu extracted a treaty of submission from both the British and the Fante, with both sides acknowleding sole Ashanti sovereignty over the coast of Ghana. However, the rebellious noble managed to escape before the surrender. Ashanti's troubles on the coasts were far from over. Next episode, we'll see the Ashanti struggle to deal with multiple wars in the south, a war in the north, and see Osei Bonsu struggle to right his failure to capture the rebellious nobleman who started this entire war in the first place.
