S3E3: The Kingdom of Kumasi

This episode focuses on the rise of the Kwaaman state, sometimes called the kingdom of Kumasi. Kumasi would grow and rise to eventually become the progenitor of the Ashanti Empire, but, in the 17th century, it was merely a small city state that was subject to the much larger Denkyira.

Kumasi was ruled by the Oyoko, one of the most prominent tribes among the Akan. As described in the episode, Akan tribes are a somewhat confusing system. Akan tribes are essentially important extended noble families. While each tribe was usually based primarily in a specific ethnic group, they also occassionally transcended ethnicity. One tribe, the Ekuona, has most of its members among the Fante, but also featured cadet branches among the Ashanti, Denkyira, and other Akan ethnic groups. 

The Eagles Talons: Akan symbol for the Oyoko Tribe, which claims the falcon as its sacred animal.

The Oyoko tribe, itself an offshoot of the Ekuona, rose to prominence by becoming the rulers of the most important city among the Ashanti. Asantemanso, while a small village today, was once a major urban center. Along with the cities of Mampong, Juaben, and Bekwai, the Oyoko kings of Asantemanso acted as the most important powers among the Ashanti. 

However, the history of the Oyoko clan forever changed during the rule of a king named Oti Akenten. Akenten, under the advice of his religious advisor Anokye, made the decision to move his capital city away from Asantemanso. This was, depending on which historians you believe, either to move the Oyoko capital further away from their Denkyira overlords, or to prevent overcrowding in Asantemanso. According to legend, Anokye decided to test the soil fertility of several cities to find the best candidate for a new capital. He planted a sapling of a kum (wild fig) tree in each city and waited to see which soil would produce the largest, healthiest specimen. The small village of Kwaaman produced the best tree, Akenten moved his capital there. Kwaaman's name would be changed to Kumasi, Twi for "City under the Kum Tree."

A kum tree, the species used by Anokye to test the soil of various locations.

After Akenten's eventual death, rule of Kumasi, and informally of the Oyoko, was passed onto his maternal nephew, Obiri Yeboa. Yeboa's rule, however, was one overwhelmingly consumed by chaos. During his rule, the Ashanti states were invaded by the invading Dormaa people from the West, with their armies reaching to the outskirts of Kumasi. Yeboa, to face this threat, organized an alliance between Kumasi and the other major Ashanti cities. This alliance met the Dormaa in battle, and emerged victorious, but at the cost of Yeboa's life. He succumbed to battle wounds shortly after the fight. In his place, his own nephew, Kofi Osei Tutu was meant to take the throne. However, the circumstances surrounding Osei Tutu at the time of his uncle's death made the succession of the throne of Kumasi a little more complicated.

Osei Tutu, like many important heirs of Denkyira subjects, had been held hostage in the Denkyira capital of Abankeseso since the beginning of his adulthood. This was not unusual, as the Denkyira had a long-standing practice of holding the heirs to their subordinate kings as hostage to ensure compliance. However, while he was a captive, Osei Tutu was no prisoner in the traditional sense. Political prisoners like the Oyoko prince were treated with intense respect, thus they have a positive view of the Denkyira when they are eventually released. So, rather than being locked in a dungeon, Osei Tutu was essentially a guest in the Denkyirahene's palace, albeit one that wasn't allowed to leave. His days were spent idly socializing with Denkyira elites, playing Oware, and courting palace women.

Oware, a strategy game similar to mancala, has been a mainstay Akan leisure hobby for centuries.

However, this last activity would eventually land Osei Tutu in some trouble. According to oral traditions of both the Ashanti and Denkyira, Osei Tutu got a little bit too close with the Denkyirahene's daughter, and got her pregnant. Fearing repercussions for this relationship, Osei Tutu was forced to make a daring escape from Abankeseso. However, he couldn't stay in Kumasi, as his uncle was still a Denkyira subject. So, he fled into Akwamu, a neighboring kingdom to the East. There, he remained under the protection of the Akwamuhene, with the king refusing to give up Osei Tutu due to his enmity with the Denkyirahene as well as his own friendship with the Oyoko fetish priest Anokye. So, for the next few years, Osei Tutu hid out in the Akwamu capital. However, when he heard the news of his uncle's death at the hands of the Dormaa, Osei Tutu was forced to return to his home city of Kumasi to take up the mantle of Asantehene. With a small group of Akwamu bodyguards, Osei Tutu made his way back to Kumasi. And that is where our story leaves off for now.

Apologies for changes in background noise and the like during this episode. I recently moved into a new place, so things might be a little bit different. Anyways, thanks for listening.

S3E2 The Denkyira Empire

I hope you enjoyed the latest episode of the History of Africa Podcast, this episode focusing on the rise of the Denkyira Empire, the state which dominated southern Ghana throughout the 16th and 17th centuries.

The story of the Denkyira's rise to power begins with the arrival of the Portuguese on the shores of Ghana in the 15th century. The Denkyira capital, Jukwaa, was located in the perfect spot to act as a middleman between European trade on the coast and the people of the Ghanaian interior to the north. 

The Portuguese Fort at Elmina became one of the most important centers of trade, including the slave trade, in the late 15th century.

As the city of Jukwaa grew in wealth, it also grew in power. By the early 16th century, the city's influence had expanded to the point that its rulers began claiming the title of Denkyirahene, or king of all Denkyiras. And, according to European observers, this was no empty title. The kings of Jukwaa enjoyed more wealth and prestige than any other kingdom in Ghana at the time. European governments and trade companies came to increasingly rely on the Denkyira as their primary trade partner for ivory, gold, and, increasingly throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, slaves.

This 17th Century English arquebus is an example of the type of firearms that European merchants traded with Akan merchants in exchange for gold, slaves, and kola nuts.

The Denkyira profited immensely from their trade with the Europeans, receiving finished products, with firearms being the most crucial. In order to receive an edge on their neighbors, the Denkyira government began importing European firearms en masse. This strategy was effective and allowed the Denkyira to expand their territory along Ghana's coast, at least until their neighbors began similarly importing firearms and adapting their tactics for their use.

Eventually, the Denkyira (and other Akan) did figure out how to manufacture firearms of their own, like this short barreled arquebus. 

While Denkyira craftsmen didn't take long to figure out how to create a domestic manufacturing industry, demand for European products remained high. Fortunately for the Denkyira, they controlled the mine of Obuasi, which they had seized from the kingdom of Twifo in an earlier war. This mine produced a considerable portion of Ghana's gold, and by controlling it the Denkyira had a considerable source of gold to trade with Europeans. However, the fueling of their economy also relied on a nearly endless series of wars with the Fante, Twifo, and Akyem to acquire slaves. This warfare drove a further need to import weapons, creating an ever-escalating military conflict in southern Ghana. Once import needs exceeded the value of the gold produced in Obuasi, the Denkyirahene began demanding ever harsher tribute payments from the empire's Ashanti subjects.

The town of Obuasi was Denkyira's principal gold mine.

If you enjoy the show, please consider supporting us on our Patreon. Myself and my editor are currently undergoing a major shift in our lives, meaning that the meager income that we receive from the podcast is even more valuable to us these days. So, if you enjoy the free bi-weekly content we put out, please consider sending us a few bucks so we can justify the continual work we put into this enormous endeavor. And to those who already support us, thank you.

S3E1: Ghana's Migration Period

Error: In this episode I claimed that the Adansi were the dominant people in the kingdom of Twifo. This is not true, no idea why I said this. The kingdom was dominated by the Twifo people. Might have been a typo in the script.

Hello everyone, I hope you enjoy listening to the first episode of the third season of the history of Africa podcast. With our exploration of Aksum concluded, we can move onto our coverage of the Ashanti Empire, a fascinating state that dominated the Ghanaian forest region throughout the early modern period. However, before we dive into the history of the Ashanti Empire, we must first understand the cultural, historical, and economic contexts that led to the empire's rise in the first place.

Despite being located on the continent that birthed humanity, human settlement in West Africa may have come later than you might expect. Homo Sapiens arrived in West Africa around the same time as the earliest migrations off the continent, and, of course, initially lived as hunter gatherers. The region experienced an agricultural revolution around 3000 BC, giving rise to the Kintampo Culture. This neolithic culture, likely initiated by migrants from the savanna region to the north, established the first agrarian settlements. However, the Ghanaian forest region would remain incredibly sparsely populated for the next 4000 years.

Starting around 1000 AD, Ghana experienced waves of migration from outside. The first arrivals were the Guang, sometimes called the Guan. The Guang established the first major settlements in Ghana, essentially the first true states. While the government and culture of these early Guang settlements is largely a mystery, the traditions of later arrivals indicate that, at least the northernmost Guan cities, were ruled primarily by a theocratic class of Tindanas (Earth Priests).

The next peoples to arrive in Ghana were the Dagomba and Akan, who arrived roughly during the same time period (estimates range from the 12th to 14th centuries.) The Dagomba, a Muslim ethnic group from the Lake Chad region, set up several independent kingdoms, before they were united into the Empire of Dagbon in the far north of Ghana. The Akan, the group which this podcast will primarily focus on, migrated into Western Ghana from the western Sahel. This region, marked by immense political instability due to the collapse of the Empire of Ouagadou (often called the Empire of Ghana today, but not to be confused with the largely unrelated modern region), was increasingly embracing the faith of Islam. The Akan, staunchly attached to their practice of the traditional faith, which we'll learn more about in future episodes, fled into the forests of Ghana. There, they established a new state at the site of Bono Manso. This city, strategically located on a trade route of gold and salt, established itself not only as an important trade middleman, but also as a center of crafts, pottery, and toolmaking. This wealth allowed the Bono State to expand its influence, and many Akan migrated further South. However, these migrating Akan would not remain culturally united. As they migrated further apart from each other, the dense forests ensured that communication between Akan settlements was sporadic, and as a result different Akan settlements produced significantly different cultures. So, while the Akan would continue to share many cultural traits with each other, such as a shared language and a mostly shared religion, certain aspects of inheritance, politics, and material culture would vary by region. These early splits would eventually manifest in the creation of multiple distinct Akan sub-cultures, including Denkyira, Akwamu, Adansi (Akyem), Kwahu, Fante, and, of course, the Ashanti. Eventually, in the cases of Denkyira, Akwamu, and Adansi, these cultures would soon form the basis of united kingdoms by the end of the 15th century. Finally, a group of people called the Gadangme migrated into southeast Ghana, where they would establish several independent city states of their own, including the major city of Accra.

Error: In the episode I claim that the Ga-Dangme migrated from the region around Lake Chad. There is substantially more debate around this than I imply, and I meant to say that Ga-Dangme traditional history states that they come from Lake Chad. Most modern anthropologists argue for a more local origin North of the Volta River or in northern Nigeria.

The establishment of Bono Manso and the Akan migrations forever changed the economy of West Africa. Prior to the establishment of Bono Manso, the forest region of Ghana was a relatively destitute backwater. The region's economy was dominated almost exclusively by gold panning. This gold would be traded primarily for salt and finished goods to the states of the Sahel and Savanna, who would in turn pedal the gold from the forest to merchants in the North for a profit. While this system was incredibly advantageous to the Sahelian and Savanna states that could act as trade middlemen, it was incredibly disadvantageous to the people of the forest region and the North. Due to Sahelian taxes on traded goods, any goods sold by either side would see a portion of its value siphoned, and, to compensate, any sale of salt or gold in West Africa was at a slightly inflated price. However, the establishment of Bono Manso radically changed this system. For starters, the establishment of a manufacturing center for finished goods ensured that the forest region was no longer dependent on the north for these goods. Additionally, the city's strategic location allowed Bono Manso to act as a middleman between the forest and the Sahel, allowing it to benefit from the siphoning of value for trade.

Map of West African climate zones

This system would remain disadvantageous to the people in the far south, however, until the introduction of a new group of people would radically alter the economics of West Africa further. When European merchants offer a new avenue to sell gold and...other products to the outside world while avoiding Bonoman or Sahelian taxes, the forest region will never be the same. In this new economic status quo, the city of Jukwaa and its Denkyira inhabitants will benefit immensely, and become the first true empire in the history of southern Ghana.

S2E20: Closing the Book + Season 3 Announcement

So, we've finally reached the end of Aksumite history. Now, it's time to get ready for next season. However, I thought it would be nice to address some viewer questions about Aksum in this podcast instead of just hastily moving on.

One of the famous monolithic churches of Lalibela, built by the Zagwe Dynasty

So, I tried only to answer questions in this episode that concerned Aksum itself. However, some of you had some other questions. While I'm going to abstain from answering much about my personal life, someone asked if I went to college. The answer is yes, I have a bachelor's in political science and history from the University of North Carolina. Others wanted to know what the podcast's plans were for covering the remainder of Egyptian history. To answer this, frankly, it's not my call. When we eventually rotate back to North Africa, what topic we cover will be decided by a vote from the Patreon supporters.

Finally,  if you'd like to view the full bibliography for the season, it's available on the season's episode list here.

S2E19: The Fall of the Aksumite Empire Part 2: Gudit, the Woman who Destroyed an Empire

 

We've reached the end of our season on Aksum. As the Aksumite empire collapses back into a chaotic state of struggle between the church, nobility, and king, a mysterious woman from the north descends on the kingdom. Her name was Gudit, a rough portmanteau of Judith, the biblical woman who led an assassination of an Assyrian general, and Gud, the Ge'ez word for monster.

After decades of debate, most scholars have settled on the fact that Gudit was a historical figure, though the details of her life remain incredibly obscure. Her background varies in different sources on Aksumite histories. Some claim she is a disgraced Aksumite princess. Others state she was a Beta Israelite (Jewish) noblewoman from the kingdom of Semien. Many scholars claim she was actually Agaw, while others claim her origins can be identified in Somali and Sidama folklore. Can these contradictory origins be reconciled? Or is Gudit simply a character that we cannot understand from current knowledge.

The evidence for Gudit's historicity comes from a mixture of Aksumite and foreign sources. For example, the Coptic History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria confirms that a woman ruled the Ethiopian highlands after the fall of the Aksumite Empire. Arab sources make similar claims, that a woman dominated the Ethiopian highlands and engaged in political correspondence with the Najahid dynasty of Yemen. Local Ethiopian sources, including written church documents alleged to be contemporaneous with Gudit's rule, are compiled in the church histories of Tekle Hayamanot. Additionally, the oral histories of the Sidama, Agaw, and Somali peoples feature tales of female tyrants who ruled over their male subjects with an iron fist. While these women are rarely explicitly identified as Gudit, their similar era of existence has led many scholars to conclude that Gudit and these women are different historical identities for the same figure.

The details of Gudit's life as presented by scholars are somewhat contradictory. One of the most well known stories that attempts to explain Gudit's future enmity towards the Aksumite church and state claims that Gudit's branch of the royal family fell on hard financial times when they were passed over in the royal succession. To earn money, Gudit began to work as a prostitute. However, Gudit was no woman of the night, but is rather thought of as a highly desired escort. When Gudit received the attraction of an Aksumite deacon, she rejected him, but offered him the challenge of making for her gilded sandals and a gilded parasol to win her affection. He accepted the challenge, but decided to use a holy relic, a golden cloth donated to the church by Saint Ezana himself, to fashion these items. When the locals of Aksum discovered the deacons sacrilegious actions, they blamed Gudit for their destruction. An angry mob mutilated one of her breasts to ensure that she could never seduce men with her beauty again before exiling her from the city.

The Queen Gudit Stele Field. Despite its name, the site's actual relationship to Gudit herself is tenuous.
Photo Courtesy of Wolff Chronicles

However, Gudit did not peacefully accept her exile. After years of planning she returned to Aksum when her spies within the city informed her of government instability. She returned with an army, though the origins of this army vary depending on the version of the story. Traditional accounts claim that Gudit rode with the support of a Syrian Arab prince, but Arab records do not indicate any sort of intervention in Ethiopia during this time. For this reason, most scholars believe that Gudit led an alliance of Aksum's various enemies. The recent revival of Aksumite expansion, the theory goes, led to the formation of an informal anti-Aksumite coalition among the Sidama, Semien, Harla, and possibly some Agaw peoples. This coalition defeated the Aksumite king in battle, and began a reign of terror over the former Aksumite empires. Churches, palaces, and monasteries were laid waste to, and anyone with even a vague relation to the Aksumite royal family was hunted down and eliminated.

That is, unless, you believe the later retellings by the Ethiopian Orthodox church and the Solomonic dynasty. They claim that one member of the Aksumite royal dynasty, Del Naod, escaped Gudit's wrath by fleeing into the Amhara country, where he sired the descendants who would later form the Solomonic dynasty. However, most academic scholars dismiss this story as royal propaganda to link the Solomonic dynasty to Aksum.

Gudit's religion is also a subject of immense debate. Ethiopian tradition generally states that she is Jewish, usually claiming that she converted to the faith after marrying a Jewish spouse. Aksumite church records seem to support this interpretation, with many supposedly contemporary documents compiled by church historian Tekle Hayamanot forthrightly identify her as Jewish, and one even claims that her Jewish beliefs motivated her to convert several churches into synagogues. However, her biographical similarities to several non-Jewish queens from this era has led some scholars to question this interpretation. In this episode, I support the hypothesis that Gudit converted to multiple faiths for the sake of political convenience. That among the Beta Israelites, she professed Judaism, while among the Harla she professed Islam and among the Sidama she professed belief in Paganism. This would explain why her supposed aliases profess so many different faiths, as well as why Arab and Coptic sources are less consistent in identifying her faith than Aksumite records.

S2E18: The Fall of the Aksumite Empire Part 1: Anbasa Wedem, Wise Regent or Cruel Usurper?

 

A Mural from the Dega Istefanos Monastery on Ethiopia's Lake Tana. This monastery is sometimes attributed to the reign of Del Naod, but this is highly contested.

Degna Djan is dead, and his sons, Anbasa Wedem and Del Naod, have begun a struggle for the throne. Or did they? As we dive into this episode, we examine the strange and confounding history behind the end of the Aksumite Empire

S2E17: Degna Jan, the Last Great King of Aksum

Hey everyone, I hope you enjoyed the latest episode of the History of Africa podcast. This latest episode focuses on Degna Djan, one of the last kings of Aksum, and, somehow, one of the greatest kings in Aksumite history. During his rule, he oversaw an Aksumite renaissance, leading to the final period of Aksum as the hegemon of East Africa. 

Lake Hayq, one of the likely locations of the Late Aksumite capital of Ku'bar

Despite his importance to Late Aksumite history, Degna Djan is an elusive figure. There are no surviving contemporary depictions of him, and even the exact date of his rule is unknown. However, what sources we do have of his reign are composed of a combination of Coptic church records, the later works of Ethiopian monk Tekle Hayamanot, and the various oral histories of post-Askumite Ethiopia. When compiled and viewed critically, these sources form a picture of an incredibly impressive reign which revitalized the Aksumite Empire and even expanded its frontiers.

Tekle Hayamanot, a prominent Ethiopian saint, abuna, and historian, depicted in a church mural

The primary defining development of Degna Djan's reign was an emphasis on the recentralization of power. Askum, throughout the last several centuries, experienced a gradual decline in the authority of the Negus. The empire's nobility and church had increasingly gained power, with the king now essentially relying on the church as a mechanism to persuade the nobility to respect his authority. Degna Djan, however, cooked up a scheme to recentralize power in his control.

Notably, the kingdom of Aksum had lacked an abuna, or patriarch, to rule its church for several decades. The abuna was typically a foreign (usually Egyptian) bishop. Due to their lack of local connections, the abuna was incredibly dependent on the negus to legitimize his authority, and in turn the abuna gave the negus a greater degree of control over the church. In order to prevent this threat to their power, the increasingly influential priests and bishops of Aksum had long blocked the appointment of a new abuna. However, Degna Djan cleverly schemed to distract them. The Amhara and Agaw communities of the southern Aksumite territories, while technically under Aksumite suzerainty, were only loosely subjects of the empire. While their leaders paid tribute to the Aksumite king, they were largely independent in terms of governance. Many of them even continued to practice traditional religions, as opposed to the staunch Christianity that dominated the interior of the empire. Degna Djan ordered that the church officials, in order to more fully integrate the Amhara and southern Agaw into the Aksumite Empire, should convert the locals to the Orthodox Christianity practiced by the Aksumites.

However, while the majority of priests and bishops led missionaries into the Amhara region, Degna Djan used their absence to appoint a new abuna. The new abuna, Peter, was especially reliant on the king due to the unexpected nature of his appointment, so he acted essentially as a puppet of Degna Djan. With this move, Degna Djan vastly improved his power within the Aksumite state, as he now de-facto commanded the Aksumite church.

With the newly centralized state's resources at his disposal, Degna Djan raised the largest army that Aksum had seen since the era of Kaleb and began a series of conquests against the empire's neighbors. The people of the south and east were relegated into tributaries, while the territories to the north, lost to Beja raids shortly before Degna Djan's rule, were recaptured. 

However, while Degna Djan's reign may seem to be a complete success, his time as Negus would cause several problems in the long run. For starters, he struggled to establish a clear heir, a problem which will have disastrous consequences in our next episode. Next, his conquests resulted in Aksum making many enemies outside its borders. The Sultanate of Showa, Harla, and Semien, especially, were threatened by Degna Djan's aggressive revanchist conquests. These problems would compound in a crisis so great that it would eventually end the now centuries old Aksumite Empire.